The
official 2012 Republican Party platform is a far-right fever dream, a
compilation of pouting, posturing and policies to meet just about every
demand from the overlapping Religious Right, Tea Party, corporate, and
neo-conservative wings of the GOP. If moderates have any influence in
today’s Republican Party, you wouldn’t know it by reading the platform.
Efforts by a few delegates to insert language favoring civil unions,
comprehensive sex education and voting rights for the District of
Columbia, for example, were all shot down. Making the rounds of
right-wing pre-convention events on Sunday, Rep. Michele Bachmann
gushed about the platform’s right-wing tilt, telling fired-up Tea Partiers that “the Tea Party has been all over that platform.”
Given
the Republican Party’s hard lurch to the right, which intensified after
the election of Barack Obama, the “most conservative ever” platform is
not terribly surprising. But it didn’t just happen on its own. Here are
some of the people we can thank on the domestic policy front.
1. Bob McDonnell.
As platform committee chair, McDonnell made it clear he was not in the
mood for any amendments to the draft language calling for a “Human Life
Amendment” to the U.S. Constitution and legal recognition that the
“unborn” are covered by the 14th Amendment (“personhood” by another
name). McDonnell is in many ways the ideal right-wing governor: he ran
as a fiscal conservative and governs like the Religious Right activist
he has been since he laid out his own political platform in the guise of
a master’s thesis at Pat Robertson’s Regent University.
His thesis
argued
that feminists and working women were detrimental to the family, and
that public policy should favor married couples over “cohabitators,
homosexuals, or fornicators.” When running for governor of Virginia,
McDonnell disavowed his thesis, but as a state legislator he pushed hard
to turn those positions into policy. As the
Washington Post
noted, “During his 14 years in the General Assembly, McDonnell pursued
at least 10 of the policy goals he laid out in that research paper,
including abortion restrictions, covenant marriage, school vouchers and
tax policies to favor his view of the traditional family. In 2001, he
voted against a resolution in support of ending wage discrimination
between men and women.” As governor, McDonnell signed the kind of
mandatory ultrasound law that is praised in this year’s platform. When
his name was floated as a potential V.P. pick, Cecile Richards of
Planned Parenthood
decried his “deeply troubling record on women’s health.”
2. Tony Perkins.
Perkins
heads the Family Research Council, whose Values Voter Summit is the
Religious Right’s most important annual conference, where activists rub
shoulders with Republican officials and candidates. Perkins
bragged
in an email to his supporters how much influence he and his friend
David Barton (see below) had on the platform. Perkins was an active
member of the platform committee, proposing language to oppose
school-based health clinics that provide referrals for contraception or
abortion, and arguing for the strongest possible anti-marriage equality
language. Perkins also introduced an amendment to the platform calling
on the District of Columbia government to loosen its gun laws, which
Perkins says still do not comply with recent Supreme Court rulings.
The
media tends to treat Perkins, a telegenic former state legislator, as a
reasonable voice of the Religious Right, but his record and his group’s
positions prove otherwise. Perkins has been aggressively
exploiting
the recent shooting at FRC headquarters to divert attention from the
group’s extremism by claiming that the Southern Poverty Law Center was
irresponsible in calling FRC a hate group. Unfortunately for Perkins,
the group’s record of promoting hatred toward LGBT people is
well-documented. Perkins has even complained that the press and
President Obama were being too hard on Uganda’s infamous “kill the gays”
bill, which he
described
as an attempt to “uphold moral conduct.” It’s worth remembering that
Perkins ran a 1996 campaign for Louisiana Senate candidate Woody Jenkins
that paid $82,600 to David Duke for the Klan leader’s mailing list; the
campaign was
fined by the FEC for trying to cover it up.
3. David Barton.
Texas Republican activist and disgraced Christian-nation “historian”
Barton has had a tough year, but Tampa has been good to him. He was
perhaps the most vocal member of the platform committee, and was a
featured speaker at Sunday’s pre-convention “prayer rally.” During the
platform committee’s final deliberations, Barton couldn’t seem to hear
his own voice often enough. He was the know-it-all nitpicker, piping up
with various language changes, such as deleting a reference to the
family as the “school of democracy” because families are not
democracies. He thought it was too passive to call Obamacare an “erosion
of” the Constitution and thought it should be changed to an “attack on”
the founding document. He called for stronger anti-public education
language and asserted that large school districts employ one
administrator for every teacher. He backed anti-abortion language,
tossing out the claim that 127 medical studies over five decades say
that abortion hurts women.
Progressives have been documenting Barton’s lies for years, but more recently conservative evangelical scholars have also been
hammering
his claims about American history. The critical chorus got so loud that
Christian publishing powerhouse Thomas Nelson pulled Barton’s most
recent book – which, ironically, purports to correct “lies” about Thomas
Jefferson – from the shelves. Of course, Barton has had plenty of
practice at this sort of thing, from producing
bogus documentaries designed to turn African Americans against the Democratic Party to pushing his religious and political ideology into Texas
textbooks.
Barton’s right-wing friends like Glenn Beck have rallied around him.
And nothing seems to tarnish Barton with the GOP allies for whom he has
proven politically useful over the years.
4. Kris Kobach.
Kris Kobach wants to be your president one day; until now, he has
gotten as far as Kansas Secretary of State. He may be best known as the
brains behind Arizona’s “show me your papers” law, and he successfully
pushed for anti-immigrant language in the platform, including a call for
the federal government to deny funds to universities that allow illegal
immigrants to pay in-state tuition – a plank that puts Kobach and the
platform at odds with Kansas law. Immigration is not Kobach’s only
issue. He is an energizing force behind the Republican Party’s massive
push for voter suppression laws around the country, and he led the
effort to get language inserted into the platform calling on states to
pass laws requiring proof of citizenship for voter registration.
He also pushed language aimed at the supposed threat to the Constitution and laws of the US from “
Sharia
law”; getting this language into the platform puts the GOP in the
position of endorsing a ludicrous far-right conspiracy theory. Kobach
hopes that will give activists a tool for pressuring more states to pass
their own anti-Sharia laws. In the platform committee, he backed
Perkins’ efforts to maintain the strongest language against marriage
equality. Even an amendment to the marriage section saying that everyone
should be treated “equally under the law” as long as they are not
hurting anyone else, was shot down by Kobach. Kobach also
claims he won support for a provision to oppose any effort to limit how many bullets can go into a gun’s magazine.
5. James Bopp.
James Bopp is a Republican lawyer and delegate from Indiana whose
client list is a who’s-who of right-wing organizations, including
National Right to Life and the National Organization for Marriage, which
he has
represented
in its efforts to keep political donors secret. As legal advisor to
Citizens United, Bopp has led legal attacks on campaign finance laws and
played a huge role in the issue of unlimited right-wing cash flooding
our elections. Bopp chaired this year’s platform subcommittee on
“restoring constitutional government,” which helps explain its strong
anti-campaign finance reform language.
Bopp is also an annoyingly petty partisan, having
introduced
a resolution in the Republican National Committee in 2009 urging the
Democratic Party to change its name to the “Democrat Socialist Party.”
In this year’s platform committee, Bopp successfully pushed for the
removal of language suggesting that residents of the District of
Columbia might deserve some representation in Congress short of
statehood. His sneering
comments, and his gloating
fist-pump
when the committee approved his resolution, have not won him any
friends among DC residents – not that he cares. He also spoke out
against a young delegate’s proposal that the party recognize civil
unions, which Bopp
denounced as “counterfeit marriage.” In spite of all these efforts, Bopp has been at the forefront of Romney campaign platform spin,
arguing
in the media that the platform language on abortion is not really a
“no-exceptions” ban, in spite of its call for a Human Life Amendment and
laws giving 14th Amendment protections to the “unborn.”
6. Dick Armey.
Former Republican insider Dick Armey now runs FreedomWorks, the
Koch-backed, corporate-funded, Murdoch-promoted
Tea Party astroturfing group – or, in its words, a “grassroots service
center.” Armey has been a major force behind this year’s victories of
Tea Party Senate challengers like Ted Cruz in Texas and Richard Mourdock
in Indiana, both of whom knocked off “establishment” candidates.
FreedomWorks also backed Rand Paul in Kentucky and Mike Lee in Utah in
2010. As Adele Stan has
reported,
FreedomWorks’ goal is to build a cadre of far-right senators to create a
“power center around Jim DeMint,” the Senate’s reigning Tea
Party-Religious Right hero.
To put Armey’s stamp on the platform,
FreedomWorks created a “Freedom Platform” project, which enlisted Tea
Party leaders to come up with proposed platform planks and encouraged
activists to vote for them online. Then FreedomWorks pushed the party to
include these planks in the official platform:
- Repeal Obamacare; pursue patient-centered care
- Stop the tax hikes
- Reverse Obama’s spending increases
- Scrap the tax code; replace with a flat tax
- Pass a balanced budget amendment
- Reject cap and trade
- Rein in EPA
- Unleash America’s vast energy potential
- Eliminate the Department of Education
- Reduce the bloated federal workforce
- Curtail excessive federal regulation
- Audit the fed
An Ohio Tea Party Group, Ohio Liberty Coalition,
celebrated
that 10 of 12 made it to the draft – everything but the flat tax and
eliminating the Department of Defense. But FreedomWorks gave itself a
more generous score,
arguing
for an 11.5 out of 12. FreedomWorks vice president Dean Clancy said the
platform’s call for a “flatter” tax “opens the door to a flat tax” and
said they considered the education section of the platform a “partial
victory” because it includes “a very strong endorsement of school
choice, including vouchers.”
Honorable mention: Mitt Romney.
This
is his year, his party and his platform. The entire Republican primary
was essentially an exercise in Romney moving to the right to try to
overcome resistance to his nomination from activists who distrusted his
ideological authenticity. The last thing the Romney campaign wanted was a
fight with the base, like the one that happened in San Diego in 1996,
when Ralph Reed and the Christian Coalition delighted in publicly
humiliating nominee Robert Dole over his suggestion that the GOP might
temper its anti-abortion stance. Romney signaled his intention to avoid a
similar conflict when he named Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell to chair the
platform committee.
Keeping Everybody Happy
The new GOP platform reflects Romney’s desire to placate every aspect of the party’s base. It also demonstrates both the
continuing power of the Religious Right within the GOP, as well as ongoing
efforts to erase any distinctions between social conservatives and anti-government zealots, as demonstrated by Ralph Reed
welcoming Grover Norquist to his Faith and Freedom coalition leadership luncheon on Sunday.
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