This post was co-published with PBS' Frontline.
The boxes landed in the office of Montana investigators in March 2011.
Found
 in a meth house in Colorado, they were somewhat of a mystery, holding 
files on 23 conservative candidates in state races in Montana. They were
 filled with candidate surveys and mailers that said they were paid for 
by campaigns, and fliers and bank records from outside spending groups. 
One folder was labeled "Montana $ Bomb."
The documents pointed to 
one outside group pulling the candidates' strings: a social welfare 
nonprofit called Western Tradition Partnership, or WTP.
Altogether,
 the records added up to possible illegal "coordination" between the 
nonprofit and candidates for office in 2008 and 2010, said a Montana 
investigator and a former Federal Election Commission chairman who 
reviewed the material. Outside groups are allowed to spend money on 
political campaigns, but not to coordinate with candidates.
"My 
opinion, for what it's worth, is that WTP was running a lot of these 
campaigns," said investigator Julie Steab of the Montana Commissioner of
 Political Practices, who initially received the boxes from Colorado.
The boxes were examined by 
Frontline and ProPublica as part of an investigation into the growing influence on elections of 
dark money groups,
 tax-exempt organizations that can accept unlimited contributions and do
 not have to identify their donors. The documents offer a rare glimpse 
into the world of dark money, showing how Western Tradition Partnership 
appealed to donors, interacted with candidates and helped shape their 
election efforts.
Though WTP's spending has been at the state 
level, it's best-known nationally for bringing a lawsuit that 
successfully challenged 
Montana's ban on corporate spending in elections, extending the provisions of the U.S. Supreme Court's 
landmark Citizens United decision to all states.
The
 tax code allows nonprofits like WTP to engage in some political 
activity, but they are supposed to have social welfare as their primary 
purpose. As reported previously by ProPublica and Frontline, when WTP 
applied for recognition of its tax-exempt status, it 
told the IRS under penalty of perjury that it would not directly or indirectly attempt to influence elections — even though it already had.
The group is now locked in an ongoing dispute with Montana authorities, who ruled in 
October 2010 that
 the nonprofit should have registered as a political committee and 
should have to disclose its donors. WTP sued. A hearing is set for 
March.
In the meantime, the group has changed its name to American
 Tradition Partnership, reflecting its larger ambitions. This month, it 
sent Montana voters a mailer in the form of a newspaper called the 
Montana Statesman that claimed to be the state's "largest & most trusted news source."
The front page accused the Democratic gubernatorial candidate of being soft on sex offenders.
Donny
 Ferguson, American Tradition Partnership's spokesman and executive 
director, did not specifically address the documents found in Colorado 
or allegations of coordination made against WTP.
"American 
Tradition Partnership always obeys every letter of every applicable 
law," he wrote in an emailed response to questions. "ATP does not, and 
never will, endorse candidates or urge voters to vote for or against 
candidates. ... These false allegations are old hat."
On its 
website,
 the group says its primary purpose is issue advocacy and combating 
radical environmentalists, whom it sometimes calls "gang green." It 
describes itself as a grassroots group backed by a broad membership of 
small donors.
When asked about the documents found in Colorado, Jim Brown, a lawyer for the group, said he was unfamiliar with them.
After
 being shown some of the documents by Frontline, Brown, in a follow-up 
email, said his review indicated that they appeared to belong to a 
company called Direct Mail. Direct Mail and Communications is a print 
shop in Livingston, Mont., run by a one-time key player in WTP and his 
wife.
Brown urged Frontline to turn over the documents. "If the 
documents are purported to be what you say they are, then you may 
knowingly be in possession of stolen property," Brown wrote.
The 
records are in the hands of the Montana Commissioner of Political 
Practices, which considers them public and reviewable upon request.
* * *
In
 the anything-goes world of modern campaign finance, outside groups face
 one major restriction: They are not allowed to coordinate with 
candidates. That's because contributions to candidates and parties are 
still capped to limit donors' direct influence, while contributions to 
outside groups are unlimited.
The Federal Election Commission has a 
three-pronged test for
 proving coordination: Did an outside group pay for ads, phone calls or 
mailers? Did these materials tell people to vote for or against a 
candidate, or praise or criticize a candidate in the weeks before an 
election? Finally, did the candidate, or a representative, agree to the 
expenditure?
Many concerns have been raised about 
coordination in this election because of close ties between outside groups and campaigns. Super PACs supporting 
President Barack Obama and Republican nominee 
Mitt Romney are run by their former staffers. Super PACs and campaigns have used the 
same consultants, who insist in interviews that they have firewalls.
Proving
 coordination is extremely difficult, however. Since 2007, the FEC has 
investigated 64 complaints of coordination, but found against candidates
 and groups only three times, fining them a total of $107,000, a review 
of FEC enforcement actions shows.
Montana, which has similar rules, also receives few complaints about such activity, Steab said.
The boxes from Colorado contained a mixture of documents from candidates and outside groups.
Folders
 labeled with the names of Montana candidates held drafts and final 
letters of support signed by candidates' wives and drafts and final 
copies of mailers marked as being paid for by the campaigns. The folders
 often appeared to have had an accounting of what had been sent and paid
 for scrawled on the front.
Several folders included copies of the
 signatures of candidates and their wives. "Use this one," someone wrote
 in red pen next to a 
cut-out rectangle on a page with five signatures from one candidate.
Steab, the Montana investigator, said she believed these cut-out signatures were then affixed to fliers from the candidates.
Besides
 material from the campaigns, the boxes also contained mailers on 2008 
and 2010 races in Colorado and Montana from Western Tradition 
Partnership and six other groups. There were bank statements for several
 groups, including the 
Coalition for Energy and the Environment, the 
Alliance of Montana Taxpayers and the 
Conservative Victory Fund.
In all the documents, one name repeatedly popped up: Christian LeFer. Even though two 
Montana Republican politicians founded WTP, investigators determined that LeFer was the man behind the scenes.
LeFer, who is described as WTP's director of strategic programming in 
memos in 
2009, said in 
an email that
 the documents "appear to be stolen property" and that, as he'd had no 
access to them, he couldn't respond to most of ProPublica's questions, 
"which seem to be based on an erroneous and fanciful interpretation of 
what they mean."
LeFer did not address whether WTP had coordinated
 with candidates. Although former employees and candidates said LeFer 
helped his wife run Direct Mail and Communications — the printing 
company that Brown, the lawyer, suggested was the owner of the boxes of 
documents found in Colorado — LeFer said he did not "run or direct the 
activities" there.
Direct Mail listed its 
principal office address in Montana filings as being the same
Colorado address WTP initially used.
Two outside groups with documents in the boxes — the 
Montana Committee to Protect the Unborn and 
Montana Citizens for Right to Work — listed their addresses on bank statements as the same 
post-office box in Livingston used by LeFer and Direct Mail. LeFer was also the executive director of 
Montana Citizens for Right to Work, an anti-union group.
Former state Rep. Ed Butcher said LeFer and Western Tradition Partnership aided candidates with no experience.
"They'll
 come in, if candidates want some help, they'll come in and help them," 
said Butcher, who described LeFer as "a Karl Rove type political 
strategist" who "stays in the background."
Butcher's file in the Colorado boxes was labeled 
"Butcher Primary '08 mail samples." It
 included an email from LeFer to Butcher with a survey about unions. 
There was a campaign donation form, and drafts of fliers and a letter 
from Butcher's campaign.
A "wife questionnaire" for Butcher's wife
 Pam said she met her husband "on a blind date arranged by his buddy 
that neither of us wanted." The questionnaire listed her children's 
names and that she had been taking care of her disabled mother for five 
years.
A letter on pink paper from 
Pam Butcher was
 in a file marked "wife letters." The letter, which contained much of 
the information in the questionnaire, was marked as being paid for by 
Butcher's campaign.
Butcher said his wife might have run her 
letter past LeFer. "He may have asked, 'Do you need any help?' and she 
said, 'Yeah, I need to get this family letter out,'" said Butcher, who 
won the Republican primary in 2008 by 
20 votes.
A folder for another successful candidate, 
Mike Miller,
 included a fax cover sheet from Miller to LeFer, forwarding Miller's 
filled-out Montana candidate surveys for two outside groups, the 
National Gun Owners Alliance and the National League of Taxpayers. It 
also held a candidate survey asking Miller if he had any research about 
his opponent, including "any recent scandals."
Miller confirmed to Frontline that LeFer was an unpaid adviser on his campaign, but would not elaborate further.
Trevor
 Potter, a former federal election commissioner who now runs the 
Campaign Legal Center, a watchdog group that advocates for more 
restrictions on money in politics, reviewed the documents found in the 
boxes.
"This is the sort of information that is, in fact, campaign
 strategy, campaign plans that candidates cannot share with an outside 
group without making it coordinated," Potter said.
"You need to 
know more, but certainly if I were back in my FEC days as a 
commissioner, I would say we had grounds to proceed with an 
investigation and put people under oath and show them these documents, 
and ask where they came from and where they were."
* * *
After the 2008 election, Montana started investigating whether WTP should have disclosed its donors.
The
 inquiry progressed slowly until 2010, when a former WTP contractor 
handed over internal fundraising records, saying she was worried about 
what the group was doing.
The documents showed that the group 
raised money specifically by telling people and corporations that they 
could give unlimited amounts in secret.
"The only thing we plan on
 reporting is our success to contributors like you who can see the 
benefits of a program like this," said one document, 
a 2010 election briefing to read to potential donors. "You can just sit back on election night and see what a difference you've made."
A 
target list of
 potential donors included an executive at a talc mine, the Montana 
representative of an international mining group and a Colorado executive
 for a global gold-mining company.
One note about a potential 
donor advised: "Married rich, hard to get a hold of. Have a beer with 
him." Another said: "Owns big ranch, signed a hit piece I wrote on cty 
cmms'r last year (don't mention), should give $$ $10,000 ask."
Other notes suggested that solicitors "See Christian" or "Talk to Christian," apparently references to LeFer.
The documents cited the group's success in 2008, saying in a confidential grassroots membership 
development proposal that 28 Montana state legislators "rode into office in 100% support of WTP's responsible development agenda."
By 2010, the partnership was active in state races in Montana and Colorado.
That
 October, Montana authorities said Western Tradition Partnership had 
violated campaign-finance law and should be fined. They said the group's
 purpose in 2008 was "not to discuss issues, but to directly influence 
candidate elections through surreptitious means."
The 
Montana investigation also
 said the evidence was overwhelming that WTP had established the 
Coalition for Energy and the Environment, known as CEE, as a "sham 
organization" to act as a front for expenditures actually made by WTP.
But
 the investigation also found that "sufficient evidence has not been 
disclosed to establish coordination between WTP/CEE and any candidate. 
Concern and healthy skepticism is warranted, however."
That was before the boxes from Colorado turned up.
A convicted felon named Mark Siebel said he stumbled on them inside a known meth house near Denver at some point in late 2010.
It's
 not clear how they got there. Siebel said a friend found them in a 
stolen car. After reading through some of the documents, he reached out 
to people he thought might be interested in them — primarily Colorado 
candidates attacked by Western Tradition Partnership. A lawyer married 
to one of the candidates shipped the boxes off to Montana investigators.
By
 that time, however, the Montana probe into the group's activities in 
the 2008 election was over. Steab also said that there was no way to 
determine for certain where the documents were from and who owned them. 
There was no whistleblower, and no information about how the records 
ended up in Colorado.
Despite this, Steab said, she found the documents very telling.
"It
 looks to me that there was a lot of coordination — but I don't know 
that it's coordination that everyone is aware of in all cases," she 
said. She said she spoke to one candidate who told her he was upset 
about all the negative mailers against his opponent.
This year, 
American Tradition Partnership is as active as ever. It's suing to try 
to overturn contribution limits in Montana, so far 
unsuccessfully.
 The group sent out mailers attacking candidates before the June primary
 in Montana, reporting none of them to the state as political 
expenditures. It later put out 
a press release saying that 12 of the 14 candidates it backed had won.
For
 the general election, the group appears to be targeting Montana's 
attorney general, Steve Bullock, the Democratic candidate for governor. 
As attorney general, Bullock fought the partnership's lawsuits against 
the state, including the one that ended up in the Supreme Court.
The first issue of the partnership's Montana Statesman newspaper, dated Oct. 7, which a
group press release said was sent to 180,000 voters, featured four photographs on the
front page:
 Three of registered sex offenders, and one of Bullock, accusing him of 
allowing one in four sex offenders to go unregistered. "Bullock admits 
failure," the headline announced. A full-page ad accused Bullock of 
taking illegal corporate contributions and of "criminal hypocrisy."
The Statesman's editor and publisher is none other than 
Ferguson,
 the partnership's executive director, described as an "award-winning 
newspaper veteran" who has been "commended by other newspapers for his 
'honest, intelligent and issue-oriented' approach."
Ferguson didn't respond to a question about his journalism credentials.
"Conservative
 group American Tradition Partnership now one of nation's biggest media 
outlets," said a press release on the group's 
website, adding that the newspaper would publish "several" editions through Election Day and into 2013.